7. The Identity Question
Political Identities and Identity Politics
Identity formation is a complex process. It calls for the sharing of a common culture on the one hand, and harps on separateness from others, on the other. As Stuart Hall argues
“Far from the still small point of truth inside us, identities actually come from outside, they are the way in which we are recognised and then come to step into the place of the recognitions which others give us. Without the others there is no self. There is no self-recognition”(Hall, 1995;8).
In other words, identities take shape over a period of time for
varied ends and through as varied means. They are historically arrived
at, sociologically presented and discursively constituted. This
necessitates a reading of the contexts located across cultural, social,
political and economic spaces to comprehend what identities are and how
they are constituted. However, what is fundamental to all identities is,
as Laclau and Mouffe argue, a process of struggle for recognition from
the other. Recall what you have read about ‘the other’ in the fourth
and fifth modules. The other
could be other individuals,
contesting communities and social groups or the State. Politics of
recognition bring together identities into a process of mutual
reciprocity. In a country such as India, identities have been
constituted around caste (dalits/brahmins), gender (men/women);
ethnicity or nationality (Assamese/Bodos), language (Hindi/Non-Hindi
speaking peoples), class and sexuality (Heterosexuals/Homosexuals and
Lesbians).
• Activity
Read the following excerpt from Dalit Identity and Politics, by Ghanshyam Shah (ed) pages 20-23.
Mahatma Gandhi, an ardent champion for removing untouchibility within the Hindu Chaturvarna framework, called the untouchable, 'Harijan'—man of God. The denominator was used in 1931 amid conflicts between Gandhi and Ambedkar on the issue of political representation to Dalits on the basis of a separate community —distinct from Hindus. Gandhi borrowed the name from a Bhakti saint of the 17th century, Narsinh Mehta. He primarily appealed to caste Hindus to use the term Harijan instead of Antyaja. While giving currency to the word, he explained:
The untouchable
, to me is, as compared to us (caste-Hindus), really a 'Harijan'—a man of God—and we are Durjana
(men of evil). For whilst the untouchable has toiled and moiled and
dirtied his hands so that we may live in comfort and cleanliness, we
have delighted in suppressing him. We are solely responsible for all the
shortcomings and faults that we may lay at the door of these
untouchables. It is still open to us to be Harijan ourselves, but we can
only do so by heartily repenting of our sin against them.
Gandhi hoped that ...probably, Antyaja brethren would lovingly
accept that name and try to cultivate the virtues which it
connotes...may the Antyaja become Harijan both in name and nature
(Gandhi 1971: 244-45). The Congress party gave currency to the new nomenclature for untouchables during the freedom movement.
The term Harijan has been widely used by caste Hindus as a substitute for achchuta, i.e., untouchable. Many members of the Scheduled Castes also began to call themselves Harijans, so hoping that the caste Hindus would change their behaviour towards them. But the new category hardly enthused most groups within the Scheduled Castes, except a few who followed the path of Sanskritisation to cultivate the virtues of upper castes. It did not provide a new world-view, symbol or path to attain equal status, which they began to demand during this period. In fact, for Gandhi, the new category aimed at persuading caste Hindus to express repentance. By doing so, they were expected to change their behaviour towards untouchables. Dr Ambedkar and his followers did not find any difference between being called achchuta or Harijan, as the new nomenclature did not change their status in the social order.
Ambedkar believed, Untouchables do not regard Gandhi as being earnest in eradicating untouchability
(Moon 1990: 254). According to him, saints (like Narsinh Mehta) never
carried on a campaign against caste and untouchability. The saints of
the Bhakti sect were not concerned with the struggle between man and man. They were concerned with the relation between man and God
(Kumber 1979). Later, a section of the SC leaders rejected the term
Harijan, considering it an insult rather than an honour. Dr Ambedkar had
a different approach and philosophy regarding the emancipation of SCs.
He strove for an egalitarian social order. Such an order, he believed,
was not possible within Hinduism whose very foundation was hierarchical,
with SCs located at the bottom of the order. The Chaturvarna system
according to him, was integral to Hinduism. The reorganisation of
the Hindu society on the basis of Chaturvarna is impossible because the
Varnavastha is like a leaky pot or like a man running at the nose...
religious sanctity behind Caste and Varna must be destroyed... that the
sanctity of Caste and Varna can be destroyed only by discarding the
divine authority of the Shastras
(Moon 1979: 86-87). Second, Ambedkar did not have faith in the charitable spirit
of the caste Hindus towards the untouchables. He asserted that SCs
should get organised and educated, and struggle for self-respect rather
than depend on sympathy.
Though Dr Ambedkar did not popularise the word Dalit
for
untouchables, his philosophy has remained a key source in its emergence
and popularity. In a way, the word Dalit is of relatively recent
origin—the 1960s—in public discourse. Marathi-speaking literary writers,
neo-Buddhists by persuasion, began to use the word Dalit in their
literary works instead of Harijan or achchuta, Dalit writers who have
popularised the word have expressed their notion of Dalit identity in
their essays, poems, dramas, autobiographies, novels and short stories.
They have reconstructed their past and their view of the present. They
have expressed their anger, protest and aspiration. Punalekar, for
example, examines Dalit literary works and identity formation. The word
gained currency in public spheres during the SC-caste Hindu riots in
Bombay in the early 1970s. Dalit Panthers used the term to assert their
identity and to stake a claim for rights and self-respect. Later, the
term has been used with a wider connotation. It includes all the
oppressed and exploited sections of society. It does not confine itself
merely to economic exploitation in terms of appropriation of surplus. It
also relates to suppression of culture—way of life and value
system—and, more importantly, the denial of dignity. It has essentially
emerged as a political category. For some, it connotes an ideology for
fundamental change in the social structure and relationships.
According to Gangadhar Pantawane:
Dalit is not a caste. Dalit is a symbol of change and revolution.
The Dalit believes in humanism. He rejects existence of God, rebirth,
soul, sacred books that teach discrimination, faith and heaven because
these have made him a slave. He represents the exploited man in his
country
(cited by Das and Massey 1995: iv). Gopal Guru argues
that the Dalit identity not merely expresses who Dalits are, but also
conveys their aspirations and struggle for change and revolution
.
Following Dr Ambedkar's ideology, some Dalit intellectuals stress the
history of their separate identity in the philosophical postulation
developed by the Lokayats and Buddhism. According to them, the
world-view of Dalits is based on materialist philosophy which is
essentially different from the world-view of Brahmanism. They were
materialists and rejected karma, punarjanma (rebirth) and moksha
(salvation). They attacked the caste system, considering its ideology a
Brahmanical fraud for deluding and robbing the common people (Sardesai
1986: 120). Ilaiah, in Dalitism vs Brahmanism: The Epistemological Conflict in History
, argues: The
modern Dalit-Bahujan movements, while building up an anti-caste
ideology, drew upon the dialectical materialistic discourses that
started in a proto-materialist form with Indus-based lokayats or
charvakas and continued to operate all through the history.
All intellectuals of the community, however, do not prefer to be
called Dalits. Some of them have reservations about its usage. It is
argued that this category compels Dalits with different experiences to carry the load of the muck of the historical past
.
That, they argue, does not reflect the ideology of Buddhism and Dr
Ambedkar. This view is strongly contested by Gopal Guru. He argues that
the Dalit category is historically arrived at, sociologically presented and discursively constituted
.
The formation of Dalit identity aims at uniting them as the oppressed
at one level, cutting across religious and linguistic boundaries. It is
secular in nature, and is not confined to any caste or religious
community.
Does this extract help you answer these questions:
- What does `dalit` mean?
- How has the category of dalit emerged?
• Subject positions
Let us now return to the discussion of identities. It is
important to note that identities are not fixed and permanent. Their
scope, meaning and content are open to continuous changes. Identities
are fluid, multiple and contingent, depending on the context in which
they are articulated. For instance, dalits have multiple identities,
which change with their context. They belong to different religious
communities and linguistic groups. One could be a Hindu, Muslim or a
Christian dalit, as well as a chamar, Mahar, or Vankar Dalit and also a
Gujarati, Maharashtrian or Bihari dalit. Each of these identities is
often referred to as a 'subject position', therefore each individual in a
society and his/her identity is constituted by continuous articulation
and negotiation between various 'subject positions'. Chantall Mouffe
argues that each individual occupies many subject positions at one and
the same time.
Thus identities are subject to continuous changes and get displaced
by new demands for either inclusion or exclusion. We privilege
different aspects of our identities at different points in our lives and
in different situations. In other words, in some situations gender may
dominate, and our reactions to events will flow from our position and
experiences as feminine or masculine, while in other contexts religious
identity or national identity may be at the forefront of our responses.
This explanation runs the risk of oversimplification, because rarely
are things so easy—our responses to events and people stem from the
complex interaction of our different subject positions, and seldom, if
ever, from only one perspective, even though one may predominate at any
given moment. Read the following extract on the Bodos of Assam to see
how new identities emerge.
[Click here to read an extract from 'We are Bodos not Assamese:
Contesting a Subnational Narrative', from India Against Itself, Sanjib
Baruah, pp. 174-176]
• Questions
• Why are Identities Constructed?
Having understood what identities are and how they are
constituted, we need to ask ourselves why they are constructed the way
they are. Notwithstanding the fact that identities are infinite, fluid
and dynamic, so that they are constantly shaping and re-shaping
themselves, they are not arbitrary in character. They are not aimless
and passive constructions.
Historically, various social groups have constructed certain kinds
of identities because they have felt suppressed, exploited and
dominated. It could be economic exploitation, political suppression or
cultural exclusion. Other constructions may be motivated by the need to
dominate, to prove superiority, like Hitler and his obsession with a
pure Aryan identity.
Read this extract from the entry on Identity Politics in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy:
The second half of the twentieth century saw the emergence of
large-scale political movements—second wave feminism, Black Civil Rights
in the U.S., gay and lesbian liberation, and the American Indian
movements, for example —based in claims about the injustices done to
particular social groups. These social movements are undergirded by and
foster a philosophical body of literature that takes up questions about
the nature, origin and futures of the identities being defended.
Identity politics as a mode of organizing is intimately connected to the
idea that some social groups are oppressed; that is, that one's
identity as a woman or as a Native American, for example, makes one
peculiarly vulnerable to cultural imperialism (including stereotyping,
erasure, or appropriation of one's group identity), violence,
exploitation, marginalization, or powerlessness (Young 1990).
Identity politics starts from analyses of oppression to recommend,
variously, the reclaiming, redescription, or transformation of
previously stigmatized accounts of group membership. Rather than
accepting the negative scripts offered by a dominant culture about one's
own inferiority, one transforms one's own sense of self and community,
often through consciousness-raising. For example, the germinal statement
of Black feminist identity politics by the Combahee River Collective
argues that “as children we realized that we were different from boys
and that we were treated different — for example, when we were told in
the same breath to be quiet both for the sake of being ‘ladylike’ and to
make us less objectionable in the eyes of white people. In the process
of consciousness-raising, actually life-sharing, we began to recognize
the commonality of our experiences and, from the sharing and growing
consciousness, to build a politics that will change our lives and
inevitably end our oppression” (Combahee River Collective 1982, 14-15).
Indeed, underlying many of the more overtly pragmatic debates about
the merits of identity politics are philosophical questions about the
nature of subjectivity and the self (Taylor 1989). Charles Taylor argues
that the modern identity is characterized by an emphasis on its inner
voice and capacity for authenticity—that is, the ability to find a way
of being that is somehow true to oneself (Taylor in Gutmann, ed. 1994).
While doctrines of equality press the notion that each human being is
capable of deploying his or her reason or moral sense to live an
authentic live qua individual, the politics of difference has
appropriated the language of authenticity to describe ways of living
that are true to the identities of marginalized social groups.
As Sonia Kruks puts it:
What makes identity politics a significant departure from earlier,
pre-identarian forms of the politics of recognition is its demand for
recognition on the basis of the very grounds on which recognition has
previously been denied: it is qua women, qua blacks, qua lesbians that
groups demand recognition. The demand is not for inclusion within the
fold of “universal humankind” on the basis of shared human attributes;
nor is it for respect “in spite of” one's differences. Rather, what is
demanded is respect for oneself as different (2001, 85).
For many proponents of identity politics this demand for
authenticity includes appeals to a time before oppression, or a culture
or way of life damaged by colonialism, imperialism, or even genocide.
[Heyes, Cressida, "Identity Politics", The
Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2002 Edition), Edward N. Zalta
(ed.), URL =
http://plato.stanford.edu/archives/fall2002/entries/identity-politics/.]
As this entry points out, the political articulation of identities
is motivated not just by an awareness of oppression, but by the
perception that the oppression is because of a certain identity. In
other words, to simply say ‘I am oppressed’ is not much of a political
statement. To say, however, ‘I am oppressed because I am a woman/a
dalit/a Christian/a dalit woman/a Christian dalit woman’, is to make a
statement that falls in the realm of identity politics. Identity
politics goes even further. After fixing the site of oppression, it
aims to reclaim this site. Look again at Sonia Kruk’s statement quoted
in the above entry. What needs to be kept in mind however, is the fact
that although these rights are demanded as members of a group,
underlying the particular is the notion of universal human rights—that
all human beings deserve equal rights, and thus, those who have
experienced oppression can make a claim for equality and justice.
In the Indian context for instance, the self-identification of
scheduled caste or untouchable groups as ‘dalits’ was constructed to
struggle against Brahminical hegemony and mobilise all those who
suffered similar types of oppression. Often these struggles convert into
organised social movements to achieve their demands. They build new
symbols, idioms and values to create an alternative space. For instance,
open confrontation between the Dalit Panthers (Dalit organisation
formed in Maharashtra in the 1970s) and upper caste Hindus took place
several times in the 1970s. The Worli riots of 1974 and the Aurangabad
riots of 1978 are well known.
• Activity
Questions:
1. In what ways did Ambedkar invoke the dalit identity to build a social movement?
2. In what decisive ways did the articulation of dalit identity change with the Dalit Panthers?
• Identities and Democracy
We have learnt, from the previous section, that identities are
often constructed to alleviate injustices and thereby contribute to a
process of democratisation of social relations.
However, identities by the very nature of their construction are
exclusivist. They are particularistic rather than universal. Proponents
of identity politics argue that those who do not share the identity and
life experiences of the members of an oppressed group cannot understand
what it means to live life as a person with that identity. Identity
politics is therefore based on specific and particular group interests.
However, in a liberal democracy, such as India for instance, the
State recognises all its citizens as equal before the law and they have
equal access as citizens, not as members belonging to particular social
groups. The state in liberal democracy functions around the belief that
maintaining 'neutrality' and 'universality' are absolutely essential to
achieve equality for one and all i.e. to place our world as citizens
ahead of the 'particularistic' interests that arise from daily life. The
proponents of identity politics argue, to the contrary, that "the
rhetoric of universality and equality has masked the persistent
actuality of marginalised groups subordinated on the basis of their
race, class, gender, ethnicity, language, nationality, sexuality, etc."
In other words, as Miller points out "equal access to citizenship
has not translated into equal justice". For instance, all citizens share
the fundamental political interest of having their rights respected.
Consider freedom of speech. By law, a woman benefits from free speech no
less than a man does. By contrast, identity politics informs us that
women and men do not in fact reap the same benefit. For example, if a
man expresses sexist views, he is 'silencing' women and therefore women,
as a social group require certain special provisions so as to access
freedom of speech as completely and meaningfully as men can. Thus, all
identities can continuously and potentially strive for 'special'
provisions around real and perceived forms of oppression, making it
difficult to maintain the 'universality' of the identity of citizenship
as it is differently accessed by different social groups. This has
resulted in an irreducible tension.
As Trevor Purvis and Alan Hunt argue,
“Citizenship, conceived as a matrix of rights and obligations
governing the members of a political community, exists in tension with
the heterogeneity of social life and the multiple identities that arise
therefrom. This tension expresses itself in the clash between the
'universal' citizen and numerous dispersed identities of which
citizenship is but one. Citizens share the rights and obligations
arising from that status and the concept of 'equality' arising from this
shared status has very real implications for the politics of identity,
since citizenship has traditionally claimed priority over other
identities. In practice this has often resulted in the relegation of
alternative identities to an extra-political or even pre-political
status. Today these alternative identities have become overtly
politicised and as a result the stability of the identity of `citizen`
has itself been destabilised and contested”(T. Purvis and A. Hunt: 1999,
457).
Thus, resolving the dilemma between growing identities and 'politics
of recognition' on the one hand and a possible reconciliation of these
identities into a democratic framework on the other is an issue central
to all democracies the world over.
• Resolving the Dilemma?
There can be no return to the idea that citizenship
identity can or should take priority over all other identities; but
neither can the recognition of identities through rights by itself
provide grounds for constructing a new and vibrant social solidarity.
The more optimistic variants of identity politics look to the formation
of coalitions and alliances between different identities to provide the
basis for collective action and the potential for generating enduring
solidarity. Notwithstanding differences, we could perhaps argue that
there are two dominant variants in arguing as to how to resolve the
dilemma between proliferating identities and maintaining and achieving a
more universal democratic framework.
The first of these positions wishes to maintain the idea of citizen
as an 'empty space' thereby allowing all identities to negotiate with
and around the idea of citizenship. This would essentially mean to keep
the process open-ended and make very little distinction between types of
identities and the kinds of issues they raise. James Donald claims that
"the citizen needs to be seen as a position and not as an
identity. When viewed from such a perspective, it is a position which
can be occupied in the sense of being spoken from, not in the sense of
being given a substantial identity" (Donald; 1996, 174).
The second kind of alternative to possibly resolve the dilemma is to
counter the post-modern variant of identity politics that celebrates
all asserted identities equally; for to do so negates the possibility of
achieving a form of shared identity capable of grounding social
solidarity. This implies that democratic citizenship cannot be committed
to recognition of all identity claims or to the same form of
recognition for every identity.
Here we encounter complex questions. For example, in what contexts
is it appropriate to grant representative status to ethnic identities?
In South Africa, where the struggle against racial categories was at the
heart of the struggle against apartheid, it would seem inherently
problematic to grant racial or ethnic representation, whereas in
contexts where historically significant but small ethnic or religious
minorities exist, their direct political representation may be not only
expedient, but essential as for instance in the case of Muslims in
India. Similar problems beset the question of the recognition of
problematic identities. Where ethnic identities press for recognition,
what should the response be to supremacist claims for recognition of an
Aryan identity? The resolution of such a dilemma would vary with
context, but needs to combine struggle against such a claim with caution
about what forms of exclusion are exercised.
• Activity
Questions
1. What type of resolution does Baxi offer between fluid identities and universality and do you agree with that?
2. Considering the issue of proliferating linguistic identities in India, how do you wish to engage with and ground them?
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